







He didnāt wait. Massieās interesting
One of the few Republican legislators doing anything to check the President.

Lemmyās a slur now, lemmings: it means something so monumentally stupid, itās practically lemmy. Someone on lemmy said it, so itās true! Now lemmy needs to change the name. Themās the rules.
The lack of sense on here to go along with whatever anyone says is incredible: itās peak lemmy. Someone states a dumb opinion, then all the lemmings agree without question like itās the undisputed truth.
Thereās a word to describe such profound lack of sense. When someone, their choices, or a state of affairs lacks sense or achieves significant stupidity, we call that stupid. Thatās not a slur, thatās a judgement that plainly describes.
Stupid[1]. Itās not a slur, and claiming that is almost as stupid as jumping aboard a stupid bandwagon that stupidly tries to purity police this thread according to some stupid idea that was stupidly made up and takes narcissistic levels of stupidity willfully ignoring contrary plain observation to stupidly believe.
Close alternative: maybe the word āš° š š± š¦ š³ š¦ š° š®ā? Technically, it means āwrong about the word stupidā. Usage example:
ā©ļøThat comment š° š š± š¦ š³ š¦ š° š® wrote was so outrageously š° š š± š¦ š³ š¦ š° š®.


For the record, Iām not making a free speech absolutist argument.
Thatās a really strange disclaimer over a fundamental right akin to
Iām not a self-determination absolutist
Iām not a due-process-of-law absolutist
Iām not a freedom-of-movement absolutist
Iām not a freedom-of-conscience absolutist
Iām not a warranted-search-and-seizure absolutist
Absolutism here isnāt mentioned to disclaim protection of illegal speech, because thatās already unprotected, and no one here would dispute that. In this context, absolutism disclaims protection of unpopular speech people here would denounce, so it disclaims freedom of speech entirely.
This denies the presumption of a fundamental right as protected, which is entirely backward. Fundamental rights are presumed protected, whereas attempts to restrict or challenge them need strict scrutiny. The less common disclaimer
Iām not a censorship absolutist
is an asymmetry revealing a copout.
As for regulation, itās a private device people are free to denounce, customize, or reject for a competitor. People have the liberty to produce & choose censored junk. An open society doesnāt restrict such choices when it can leverage fundamental rights[1] to denounce, criticize, and challenge.
this community seems to cower from defending ā©ļø


So youre saying the actual cops would have responded to Jane does gang rape instead of the ācops, but like we work for Cornell first and ignore a gang rape victim telling us she was gang raped when we write up the summation doc for the DAā cops? Ithaca cops that would have arrested the rapists, and then told the school, who could have then done their own academic action regardless of the frat or not?
That is by no means certain. Cops employed by government rather than a private or unelected employer (the legality of which is completely bizarre in a liberal democracy) have a horrible record of abuse despite their theoretical accountability to the public. The DA wasnāt employed by the university, and they went only by Jane Doeās signed statement to conclude her allegations contradicted elements necessary to charge for rape as defined in state law. The statement she said she was very confident about was produced in an interview led by a campus police investigator alongside a Title IX investigator, a victim advocate, and Jane Doeās adviser. Government police would have produced a similar statement, except the interview would have lacked university employees, especially the Title IX investigator.
Title IX is an anti-discrimination law that protects studentsā equal access to educational opportunities regardless of sex. As long as the institutionās programs & activities donāt sexually discriminate or deny equal access, and a claim doesnāt allege the contrary, such claims lack Title IX interests. School conduct code violations unrelated to Title IX lack legal obligations beyond terms of contract.
Private conduct (of mostly adults) outside the school environment that doesnāt affect it lacks Title IX interests, and it would make total sense for schools to focus more narrowly on legal obligations instead of assuming responsibility beyond that of independent individuals and organizations responsible for their own conduct.
Ironically, the school so far has imposed more adverse action on the accused than have our public institutions, which have imposed none. If the DAās initial determination is correct, the state may end up imposing nothing for an accusation negated by alleged facts.
Though the results in practice may be worse, I still think public police are preferable to non-public, because they lack conflict of interest to an unelected employer, and they could be held accountable to the public with sufficient public will and reform.


āGreek lifeā organizations donāt need recognition of educational institutions, and institutions elsewhere in the world donāt recognize them.
Without recognition, they become unaffiliated associations (like the moonies) outside the purview of the educational institution. Alleged crimes and misconduct outside the educational institution are matters entirely for authorities unrelated to the institution.


Drawing attention to this font by denouncing it and giving it antagonistic appeal is not an effective way to make it go away, so I think OP is secretly promoting it and wants more of it.
Nice try, OP: weāre onto your mind games.


While I would love that, the more moderate republicans who argued to impeach & convict Trump last time were ousted, so that leaves the Trumpiest core to work with. GOP shittiness & general hostility to the government working in any sense for the American people canāt be underestimated. Plus, convicting Trump results in Vance replacing him.
I think some highly guarded optimism is warranted. Blocking hideous legislation and Trump appointments isnāt too bad of a check if theyāre unable to pull off anything better.


See? No serious alternative.
What part of what you wrote contradicts anything written about democracy? The destruction & abuses you list could be far worse in governments with unchecked power.
Democracy isnāt a magic salve that instantly cures everything it touches. Liberal democratic institutions permit reforms through a nonviolent, deliberative process to address everything you stated. To check abuses of power that could end democratic, open society, they also limit government capacity to unilaterally impose swift, sweeping changes. The institution trades sweeping state power thatās riskier to abuse for more limited, checked, deliberative state power likelier to sustain the democratic system. You donāt get democratic reforms without that slow, power-constrained work to protect the system.
All that money the obscenely wealthy dumped into the elections didnāt get the results they paid for. Lack of action according to your timetable isnāt legal immunity.
While your criticism gripes about the problems we can observe, no one is discounting them. We are criticizing your failures to consider all the problems we canāt observe (because the system of limited government avoided them) and the strength of nonviolent, popular reform.
Your criticism looks like just griping that doesnāt seriously weigh the tradeoffs, which is fine to commiserate, but not a rational basis to weigh alternative systems of government.


A democracy can change those rules & technicalities, it just takes time & popular will.
As argued by the same person who articulated the paradox of tolerance (widely distorted on social media), an overlooked strength of liberal democracy is the institutional framework (driven by competitive choices of the people open to rational debate) to institute reform without violence. To check abuses of power by the state, the people need to sustain such institutions that allow for open inquiry and grant all citizens extensive rights against their governments. They argued that strict limits on the power of the state limit bad or incompetent rulers from doing too much damage (eg, damage that outright ends a democratic, open society). Those limits on government with Democrats in legislative power are also why MAGA control of the legislature and executive hasnāt yet prevented elections and we donāt have to fight frequent revolutions to take back control.
Democracy can reform itself nonviolently, presidents can be prosecuted when they leave office, and youāre not suggesting a serious alternative, just grief lacking nuance.


Not how that works: without supermajorities in the legislature to override a veto or convict an impeachment, the president can still block all legislation.


Kind of wild how itās always radio silence from the āVote Blue No Matter Whoā brigade in comment sections like this, where you have a centrist Dem using their platform to bash a progressive or leftist candidate just a couple days prior to elections
Starting from a counterfactual isnāt a strong argument. El-Sayed won the primary for a reason and gets massive support in similar comment sections from Democrats overwhelmingly agreeing that Stevens can go fuck herself.
How you divine who is & isnāt āthe Vote Blue No Matter Who brigadeā is the real mystery. Supporting commentary looks the same no matter who writes it, and itās hardly needed when an upvote will do. Are you a mindreader? Do you consort with a higher power? Please show us your mystical, sagely ways.
Itās especially comical because Vote Blue No Matter Who unsurprisingly means doing that regardless of whom blue is. It doesnāt necessarily imply broadcasting commentary everywhere about it to your satisfaction.
It seems youāre agitating for some poorly articulated conflict in your deluded fantasy when the āBlue No Matter Whoā crowd is embracing your candidate.


That just seems like more classic patriarchy.
Calling it psychopatriarchy makes it seem badass and gives it subversive appeal.
I could easily imagine right-wing social media running with it and squawking āpSyChOpAtRiArChY!!ā with gusto like dumbass Beavises going āfire! fire! FIRE!ā.
Not sure what thatāll do for public discourse.
Calling it before it happens.


Anytime someone brings up paradox of intolerance in the fediverse, the chance is very high theyāre completely wrong about it and are regurgitating shit they read from some dumbass on social media.
From the article (you didnāt read or understand) quoting Karl Popper (extended with the rest of the passage)
[Less well known is the paradox of tolerance: Unlimited tolerance must lead to the disappearance of tolerance. If we extend unlimited tolerance even to those who are intolerant, if we are not prepared to defend a tolerant society against the onslaught of the intolerant, then the tolerant will be destroyed, and tolerance with them.āIn this formulation, I do not imply, for instance, that we should always suppress the utterance of intolerant philosophies; as long as we can counter them by rational argument and keep them in check by public opinion, suppression would certainly be most unwise.] But we should claim the right to suppress them [intolerant ideologies] if necessary even by force; for it may easily turn out that they are not prepared to meet us on the level of rational argument, but begin by denouncing all argument; they may forbid their followers to listen to rational argument, because it is deceptive, and teach them to answer arguments by the use of their fists or pistols.
The type of intolerance they refer to is the kind that uses force and refuses debate. They even explicitly reject that we should in general āsuppress the utterance of intolerant philosophiesā as long as rational argument & public opinion still govern public choice.
The quote comes from a footnote in the book The Open Society and Its Enemies, whose thesis is that an open society (ie, liberalism) has stronger merits than the newer, trendier totalitarian political theories of the day predicated on teleological historicism. They approached this from their background in philosophy of science (emphasizing enterprises controlled by skepticism and free inquiry) to argue that liberal democracies are not inevitably doomed by totalitarian systems of power, because liberal institutions have an overlooked strength
Only democracy allows an institutional framework that permits reform without violence, and so the use of reason in political matters
and to keep totalitarian systems like fascism or communism at bay, we need to sustain institutions that allow for open inquiry and grant all citizens extensive rights against their governments.
Even with the best rulers, unchecked power is likely to err and cause unbound damage. Instead of focusing only on selecting the best rulers, a better system of government might determine
How can we so organize political institutions that bad or incompetent rulers can be prevented from doing too much damage?
They resolved that such a system should include strict limits on the power of the state and a special emphasis on intellectual freedom.
They were absolutely arguing in favor of more open discourse & deliberation, not less of it, to reform government without violence and restrict its potential damage. That means tolerating opinions we disagree with from people who donāt try to impose them with force.
Their discussion on public policy has no bearing on the democratic consequences accepting code that āsolves the problemā from people we disagree with. Itās pretty much accepting charity and doesnāt imply you promote or agree with their views at all. Philosophers generally scoff at purity policing bullshit and genetic fallacies, especially those who emphasize free, open inquiry and rational argument as crucial to an open society.


Donāt you think itās fucked, though, in terms of accountability & integrity of government authority? Some people might assume police authority belongs exclusively to the government and ultimately answers to the public through elected officials, yet here we have unelected private employers setting their conditions of employment and directing policy with no inherent duty to the public. That scheme seems at odds with basic premises of liberal democratic governance. Private employment of police officers isnāt necessary to assign public officers to beats at campuses with specialized policies.
Law enforcement is bad enough when accountable to the public. Despite the results, severing that accountability & governance is in principle unsound.


Did the statement say ācalling other people to the roomā? She was offered a foursome and said ānoā to that. That doesnāt imply ānoā to taking turns or an audience. The rest is your embellishment.
An argument showing the relevant legal standard for ālack of consentā (stated in the DAās statement) is satisfied would be compelling. This isnāt.


Failing to review transcripts is substandard practice: serious fault in the DA there. However, unless significant allegations in the transcript are absent from the statement, itās unlikely to resolve the statementās contradiction of a crime.
A confident claim is not a conclusive legal determination drawn from alleged facts. According to the reported transcript, she was confident about the statement, too:
On the second day of the interview, Jane Doe reviewed the revised six-page statement. The transcript shows her adviser asked if she wanted her and another adviser to review the statement.
Before signing, the transcript shows Jane Doe said, āIām very confident about this.ā
When the only allegation recommending a criminal charge alleges facts that not only fail to support that conclusion but negate key statutory elements of the crime, that eliminates every prosecutable theory and legal basis for an investigation. Such a contradiction is not resolvable through further investigation. At least some plausible basis for a crime needs to be articulated for an investigation to justifiably proceed.
The DA gave the complainant notice of his determination and an opportunity to review it together. That was another chance to raise any allegations the DA could have missed & explain how they arrived to their conclusion when alleged facts reviewed so far didnāt support it. The complainant apparently waived the opportunity.
The āmultiple things indicating lack of consentā are worse than you wrote, yet they donāt satisfy the element of the crime. A feeling lacking clear expression is not a fact supporting the legal standard; she had the liberty to reject, exercised it, and was met with compliance
According to the statement, each time Jane Doe asked to stop the sexual conduct, the sexual conduct stopped.
Shutting down events and distasteful language in snapchat obviously donāt qualify.
Much that you mention or that comes up in these stories is already in the statement, too. Some allegation that actually meets the legal standards is needed.


Under New York State Law, āmental incapacitationā occurs when a victim is rendered incapable of controlling her own conduct due to the administration of a drug without her consent. The facts provided by Jane Doeās statement do not allege that she was either rendered incapable of controlling her own conduct or that any drug was administered to her without her consent.
She alleged cognitive capacity (understood what sheās doing), volition (willing choices), not incapacity to control her conduct, compulsion, inability to communicate willingness, expression of nonconsent, etc. Throughout the recollection, she was understanding, rejecting & accepting requests, choosing offers, conducting choices. She exercised autonomy.
The legal standard of āmental incapacitationā isnāt an incapacity to recall, itās an incapacity to control oneās own actions (with conditions). Memoryāformation failure is not a loss of volitional control. People are still responsive to stimuli, can have full on conversations, can conduct willful choices. Their failure to recall it later is retrospective. That does not mean people werenāt cognizant at the time and making willful choices. The law doesnāt say black-out drunks lack a choice when they commit a crime. Dumber, less inhibited choices arenāt a lack of willing choice.
I doubt the structure of the law & its standards would support your suggested interpretation of āmental incapacitationā. It explicitly rejects voluntary intoxication, and she alleges legally significant capacity to understand & choose her conduct. New York already rejects intoxication as a defense for criminal liability. Consistency with that is unlikely to support constructions for consensual intoxication as a substantial incapacity to understand and control oneās own conduct (which would excuse liability).


Itās easier to get enraged without the burden of relevant facts.
Individuals who are accused of committing a crime must be prosecuted based upon evidence and not public opinion, especially not public opinion based upon false information.
Public opinion is easily misled, and reading the DAās statement entirely changed my opinion on this matter.
I think any logical person would be compelled to draw the same conclusion in the DAās position when presented the same facts & laws.
I suggest everyone read it before indulging superficiality.
Jane Doeās account objectively determined criminal charges unviable.
The DAās statement makes it quite clear that the facts alleged in Jane Doeās signed, 6-page statement to police did not support ālack of consentā as defined in New Yorkās penal law.
Jane Doeās sworn statement in November of 2024 did not allege that she was drugged against her will or gang raped. On the contrary, Jane Doeās statement described her participation in drug use and sexual conduct as voluntary, conscious, and consensual.
Under New York State Penal Law 130.05, every sexual assault offense requires proof beyond a reasonable doubt that the sexual act was committed without consent of the victim. As it relates to this case, lack of consent can result from 1) forcible compulsion by the actor, 2) mental incapacitation of the victim, 3) physical helplessness of the victim, or 4) with certain criminal charges where the victim clearly expressed that she did not consent to the act. See N.Y. Penal Law 130.05.
Under New York State Law, āforcible compulsionā requires proof of the use of physical force to compel someone to engage in sexual conduct.
Under New York State Law, āmental incapacitationā occurs when a victim is rendered incapable of controlling her own conduct due to the administration of a drug without her consent.
Under New York State Law, āphysical helplessnessā occurs when a victim is unconscious or physically unable to communicate unwillingness to act.
Finally, there is no evidence in Jane Doeās statement indicating that she clearly expressed that she did not consent to the act.
Her account (described in detail) eliminated every one of those possibilities.
No prosecutorās going to pursue charges that donāt legally fit and reasonably expect a conviction.
Moreover, anyone who reads the account might be reasonably unpersuaded the events described constitute a crime.